11 years on

Today marks the eleventh birthday of On the archival trail of William Macintosh. If I had known when I began the blog in 2012 that, more than a decade later, I would still be deeply engaged in the same research project, I might never have started it. The logics of the neoliberal academy tend not to encourage or reward long-term activity, particularly so when the ultimate output—a book that might have taken fifteen years to write—will, in the great REF balance, equate to two journal articles at most. At the same time, I have been supremely fortunate to have been able to pursue this project without ever having come under institutional pressure to do otherwise; the Department of Geography at Royal Holloway has, in this respect, been an infinitely patient and encouraging home for this work. Increasing casualisation and precarity across the sector does mean, however, that the opportunity to pursue long-term and slow scholarship has become a privilege, rather than the necessary condition of deep and insightful inquiry.

The anniversary of the blog does, also, prompt me to reflect on my goals for the next twelve months and the pace of my writing. As far as the narrative chronology of the book goes, I am now dealing with perhaps the most interesting and consequential period of Macintosh’s life: the nine-or-so months that he spent in India between 1779 and 1780. Macintosh arrived in India after an incredibly convoluted journey from France that had taken nearly a year and a half and which had seen him held as a prisoner of war. His initial intention to establish himself as a private trader had failed when he lost his cargo of tradable goods during the siege of Pondicherry in 1778. When he finally arrived in India in July 1779, he had lost everything and found that his two on-the-ground contacts—Lauchlin Macleane and Alexander Elliot—were dead. Although a despondent Macintosh tried initially to arrange for an immediate return to Europe, he quickly developed new friendships in Madras and Calcutta, particularly so with Philip Francis, whose combative relationship with Warren Hastings had a significant influence on Macintosh’s political analysis of British India.

One of the first things Macintosh did on arrival in India, however, was to write a long and heartfelt letter to his son, William, setting out a series of life lessons and maxims that he had been unable to impart in person due to their long separation. Inspired by Lord Chesterfield’s recently published book of letters to his own son, Macintosh’s letter to William set out his views on what William should be reading, what he should be eating, which sports and activities he should be pursuing, and how, more generally, he should be conducting himself in society. William would have then been 14 years old when the letter was written and it is difficult to read it without thinking about how little time William would have had to put any of this advice into practice; within five short years, his life would end tragically in a lonely hotel room in Covent Garden.

As things currently stand, my plan for the spring and summer is to advance the book to the point at which Macintosh returns to Britain from India and begins to publish his findings. Although his views on British India were most fully articulated in his 1782 travel narrative, he actually published two earlier pamphlets in London, neither of which has previously been attributed to him. At the same time as he was working up his narrative—a task largely completed by the Grub Street writer for hire William Thomson—Macintosh was busily engaged in London and Paris dealing with the personal-cum-financial concerns of Thomas Lewin and John Whitehill—friends he had acquired in India in 1779, whose complex and disputatious affairs consumed much of Macintosh’s attention in the months following his return to Britain.

I also hope to put in an application this summer for a recently launched grant scheme from the Royal Historical Society, that would potentially provide funding for a one-day workshop in 2024 focusing on the draft book manuscript. The scheme is an interesting one in that it is aimed at mid-career scholars who might otherwise rely only on informal peer networks for support in the writing of a book. The scheme acts to formalise and recognise those informal support structures by providing funds to cover participants’ expenses and a small honorarium. The reason the scheme appeals to me—notwithstanding the slightly terrifying thought of a day-long critique from up to six expert readers—is the benefit of having the perspective of area specialists. Following Macintosh’s global life has necessarily meant following him through and between what are often geographically distinct areas of historiographical specialism, such as the Caribbean, British India, and Europe during the French Revolution. Being able to feel confident about the contribution that I am making to each of these fields, whilst drawing appropriate connections between them, would be a real boon. More prosaically, the workshop would act as a helpful spur to the completion of the next two chapters of the book; it would be a hard deadline that I could not miss!

Macintosh & Co.

At the end of January I had the pleasure of meeting the Bath-based author Paul Jackson, who, in collaboration with Michael Rowe, is currently working on a fascinating-sounding two-volume biography of Macintosh’s onetime business partner, William Pulteney. Meeting Paul offered a welcome opportunity to revisit some of my earlier work on the partnership between Macintosh and Pulteney and an excuse to put some of it together here. Although some elements of the short-live partnership remain mysterious, its broad outlines are preserved in Macintosh’s correspondence and in some contemporary manuscript and printed sources. In what follows, I offer a brief thumbnail sketch of the partnership’s history.

The circumstances under which Macintosh and Pulteney first became acquainted are not recorded, but it is likely that they were introduced via Pulteney’s brother, Colonel Alexander Johnstone—a friend of Macintosh and a fellow Grenada planter—when all three were in London in 1769 or 1770. Pulteney went on to become guarantor for Macintosh’s Dutch loan, a financial agreement that marked the beginning of their business partnership—one based upon the purchase of lands in Tobago and Dominica. It was, for various reasons, a partnership that did not survive long, lasting barely four years. Its messy financial consequences rumbled on for many years, however, and left the former partners enduringly suspicious and mistrustful of one another.

Detail from A new map of the island of Tobago (c. 1771) showing Great River Division (or Parish of St Mary). Macintosh and Pulteney’s lands circled in yellow. Gedney Clarke’s “Bushy Park” estate circled in red, and his “Richmond” estate in blue. The Great Dog River is now Queens River; Great River is now Roxborough River.

The partnership’s initial purchases were focused on Tobago. Macintosh had bought lot 24 (85 acres) in his own name in May 1769 (see below). As yet, I have been unable to identify the precise dates on which lots 17, 18, and 19 were added to the partnership, but they are likely to have been in 1769 or 1770. Lots 17 and 18 (400 and 100 acres respectively) had originally been purchased by William Alexander and lot 19 (200 acres) by Andrew Allon in March 1767. This, at least, is the account given by John Fowler in his 1774 book A Summary Account of the Present Flourishing State of the Respectable Colony of Tobago. Other, albeit slightly later, sources indicate that lots 17, 18, and 19 were, in fact, purchased by Alexander John Alexander.

The National Archives CO 101/13, f 63v, “Accot. Sales of Plantation Allotments in the Island of Tobago, 10 May 1769,” showing Macintosh’s purchase of lot 24.

Lot 4, Bushy Park, and lots 5 and 6, Richmond, were owned at this time by Gedney Clarke. Macintosh had met Clarke in Barbados in September 1770 and was assured—as he later told Pulteney—of Clarke’s “assistance & good Neighbourhood as may greatly falicitate [i.e., facilitate] the improvement of our Tobago concerns in his Neighbourhood.” A year later, in September 1771, Macintosh wrote to Clarke to ask if he would consider ceding “110 or 165 Acres” of his Bushy Park estate in order to allow Macintosh to establish a water mill on “the upper part of Bushy Park between two lofty Hills.” The price Clarke proposed—“Thirty Pound Sterling P Acre,” “half down, & half within the year”—was one that Macintosh did not accept.

In the summer of 1771, an advert was placed in the Public Advertiser for the sale of certain unspecified lots of undeveloped land in Tobago. Although no specifics were provided in the advert, there is reason to suspect that this was an early attempt by the partnership to test the waters to see whether or not they might be able to turn a quick profit on their recent acquisition. The reason to suspect this advert relates to partnership business is that Pulteney used John Irving to coordinate the dissolution of the partnership in 1773/74.

The Public Advertiser, 13 June 1771, p. [4]. Could these be partnership lands?

In November 1771, Macintosh wrote to inform Pulteney that he had provisionally negotiated a sale of 300 acres of the partnership lands, at £20 per acre, to the London lawyer Francis Eyre (represented in the West Indies by a Mr. [John?] Colby). As Macintosh then noted, “The Sale of that parcel would enable us to settle another Estate without drawing purses.” This deal seems to have gone nowhere. Around the same time, however, an advertisement appeared in the London Evening-Post for the sale of 800 acres of land in the Great River division of Tobago. This was, perhaps, evidence of the partnership seeking to establish the market value of their holdings. The advert also sought a loan of £12,000—a private request on Macintosh’s behalf that was intended to allow him to extend his own private landholdings.

The London Evening-Post, 4–7 April 1772, no. 6,904, p. [3].

In April 1772 a survey of Tobago detailed the composition of the partnership’s landholding: an estate now called “Poultney Hill” (see TNA, CO 101/16, ff. 126r–130v). In addition two white overseers—John Leadbeatter (or Leadbetter), Macintosh’s sometime manager in Grenada, and Peter White (whom I have not been able to identify)—there were 53 enslaved workers on the estate: one who could “be trusted with Arms” and 52 who could not. Of the estate’s combined 785 acres, only 60 areas had been cleared by that date, and of those only 6 planted with sugarcane.

By September 1772, Macintosh was proposing that he and Pulteney sell at least half, if not more, of their Tobago lands due to the damage being caused on the island by leaf blast (a disease affecting sugarcane): “in the present Circumstances it will be best to Sell at Tobago even so low as 15 Guineas p Acre,” he wrote. In preparation, on 8 September 1772, Macintosh obtained certificates from George Gibb, Register, to confirm that lots 17, 18, 19, and 24 were free of any “Conveyance, Mortgage or other Incumbrance whatever,” other than the existing deed of lease and release, which had transferred one moiety to Pulteney. Selling would generate £19,000 to invest in their new Dominica concern.

Detail from Plan of the island of Dominica (1776), showing the parish of St David. Macintosh and Pulteney’s lands circled in yellow. Joseph Senhouse’s estate circled in red. French River is now Richmond River.

From May 1771, the partnership had expanded its landholdings by purchasing additional lots in Dominica, at a location much more amenable than in Tobago, since it offered direct access to the coast. How much of this activity Pulteney had agreed to in advance is unclear, but by May Macintosh had written to alert him that he had bought 450 acres at £6 per acre and “now render it to be included in our Copartnership, if not disposed of within the said time.” This was probably lot 51.

Lot 51 had previously belonged to a syndicate coordinated by Lauchlin Macleane and Macintosh was one of three attorneys appointed by Macleane’s associates to manage the disposal of the lands. He may have been able to negotiate a favourable deal as a consequence. When in Dominica, Macintosh had toured the land “under the guidance of an Indian & free Negro,” and found that “the Quality situation & other natural Advantages of our Land made me soon forget the pains of the most fatiguing Journey I ever underwent.” Macintosh estimated the land at “not be less than 500 Acres.” The total purchase price was put at £2,784. Macintosh proposed to Pulteney that they secure a loan for £6,000 in order to purchase slaves (at 50 slaves per year for three years) to properly transform the new estate. It was at this point that Macintosh also decided to buy the partnership a sloop, Fanny, for £300. By Boxing Day 1771, Macintosh—bolstered by a feeling of success—was able to boast to one correspondent that “Mr. Pulteney of Bath house & myself…[are] now settling two considerable Plantations in Dominica & Tobago.” In January 1772, Macintosh reckoned these joint concerns were worth £25,300 (see below).

Macintosh to Pulteney, 14 January 1772, estimating their joint holdings. Bibliothèque Ceccano, Ms. 1297, f. 61.

By February 1772, Macintosh was beginning “my Dominica Settlement”—which he was then calling “my Conanary or Richmond Estate”—with “23 able Slaves,” overseen by Mr. James Buck Roberts. Around the same time, Macintosh learned that Joseph Senhouse had purchased the neighbouring estate (lot 50). Buck Roberts later killed another man “in a drunken quarrel,” and was quickly replaced in his role. Later in 1772, as noted above, Macintosh authorised Pulteney to “mortgage my Moiety to secure any Sum [ideally “10 or 12.000 £ Stg.”] we may borrow on our joint Accounts.” This would, however, have come to nothing following the 1772 financial crisis.

In May 1772, Macintosh wrote to Pulteney to tell him that he had impulsively purchased yet more land to expand the Richmond estate: “I could not resist the temptation of preserving the two Rivers to ourselves and securing up almost to their Sources, & therefore I got 200 Acres put up in two several Lots, and the Inhabitants were so Complaisant to me as to let the one fall into my hands at £3..1.. & the other at £3..5..Stg P Acre.” This was likely lots 52 and 53. In June 1772, Macintosh computed the Richmond estate at “30 £ Stg p Acre.” In relation to the Tobago estate, however, Macintosh had changed his mind by this point. Although Pulteney was now “desirous of Selling it,” Macintosh was prevaricating, signalling “both Concurrence & Reluctance.”

In July 1772, Macintosh wrote to Pulteney to transmit “the several Grants” relating to their Tobago and Dominica purchases, namely a “Grant from the Crown of 450 Acres being our first purchase in Dominica & two Grants for 700 Acres being our first purchase at Tobago.” These documents showed that the 450 acres in Dominica—lot 51—had been purchased at £12 per acre for cleared land (12 acres) and £6 per acre for uncleared land (138 acres): £972 in total.

By the middle of 1772, it is evident that tensions between Macintosh and Pulteney over costs and strategy were beginning to sour their relationship. Distance made it difficult to communicate and the decisions that Macintosh was forced to take alone, on the basis of his own local knowledge and on his own initiative, were not ones that could be shared with Pulteney in advance. Although Macintosh was able to estimate the partnership’s holdings on 1 November 1772 at “1600 Acres of Land with 90 Good Slaves & several valuable improvements”—“worth at a moderate Computation £35,000 Stg.”—the social bonds of mutual trust on which the partnership depended were beginning to fail. By the end of 1773, following an unsuccessful attempt by the pair to repair their relationship in Britain, the partnership was at an end and was formally dissolved in January 1774.

Tragedy at the New Hummums

Even after more than a dozen years on the archival trail of William Macintosh, there are still moments where I find myself astonished by a new fact or revelation about his life and that of his immediate family. In recent days, I have returned to the task of tracing the life of Macintosh’s son, William, and his unexpected and tragic fate—one that I encountered for the first time yesterday—has caused me, once again, to see the narrative that I am writing in an entirely new light.

My prompt for returning to William (junior) was a long and rather regretful letter that Macintosh sent from Madras in July 1779. At more than 7,000 words in length, the letter was an attempt to atone for the damage that long separation—geographical and temporal—had done to their relationship and, more pragmatically, to communicate some important life lessons and maxims. William would have been 14 at the time he received Macintosh’s letter and was a pupil at a “virtuous seminary,” probably on the Continent. This was the third school William had attended since 1771; none of which had seemed to suit him. William had started formal education rather late. When he enrolled at a school in Abingdon in November 1771, his contemporaries were already starting to learn Latin grammar but poor William had not yet mastered the English alphabet.

A choice of phrasing that now appears oddly prescient.

By 1781, William had entered a new school—his fourth in ten years—and the invoice for his board and tuition (above) is the last reference to him that I can find in Macintosh’s archive. I had long suspected that William had predeceased his parents (he is not mentioned in either of their wills, for example), but my investigations over the years had come to naught. Yesterday, however, I finally found out the truth: that in December 1784 William committed suicide in his room at the New Hummums coffee house and hotel in Covent Garden.

Almost at once, a coroner’s inquest was arranged to investigate William’s death (above). Depositions were taken from the hotel’s owner, Thomas Harrison; George Hopwood, the hotel’s porter; and John Cosens, landlord to William’s mother and sisters. Testimony from the deponents tells a story of a young man in distress who, in the days leading up to his death, had been behaving in strange and erratic ways. The day before he died, William had presented himself at his mother’s lodgings, hoping to see his youngest sister, Polly, and to retrieve clothes and other items he said were worth £50. He had a pistol in his pocket and, according to Cosens, his behaviour “was very rude and extraordinary.” Denied the opportunity of speaking to his mother or sisters, he left.

The following day—in an evident state of distress—William told the hotel’s owner that “his mother had no Affection for him since he was four years old.” Later that evening, Hopwood found William sitting despondently in front of the fire in his room, his hair untied and hanging loose about his face, a pistol in his right hand. He spoke in a low voice only to tell Hopwood that he didn’t require anything. Minutes later Hopwood and Harrison heard a shot. When Hopwood arrived in the upstairs room it was to find William lying in a pool of blood, fragments of skull and brain matter across the walls.

 “A Bird’s Eye View of Covent Garden Market . Taken from the Hummums (1811) . Yale Centre for British Art (B1977.14.15836).

While the inquest established the cause of death, it did little to inquire into the factors that had led to it, returning a verdict only of insanity. For want of explanation, the newspaper press was filled in the days after the event with lurid speculation. Some sources claimed that William had fallen victim to card sharps, who had left him penniless and hopeless. Others claimed that a lack of maternal affection had driven him to distraction. Still others claimed that William and his family, having been abandoned by Macintosh, were in such a state of penury that William found it intolerable and that he had intended to kill both himself and his younger sister, Polly, to relieve their suffering. What all sources agreed on, however, was that William had been a strapping and handsome young man, standing more than six feet tall. He was just 19 when he died.

Given the contradictions of the contemporary press reporting, it will be difficult to separate truth from fiction as I delve deeper into this sad story. Although almost 230 years separate me from the tragic end of William’s life, I cannot help but feel a sense of shock and sadness. Polly would doubtless have remembered this tragedy right up to her own death in old age in 1853, but after her, who would have remembered William?

Writing history as a question of geometry

Writing the life of William Macintosh is, at least to my mind, a question of geometry. There is the vertical axis, which describes the chronological sequence of his life, and there is a horizontal axis, which contextualises that life by situating it in relation to places, people, and events. The vertical axis is what provides a sense of a connected narrative to the book I am writing, while the horizontal axis provides the book’s wider intellectual contribution. Both, when in the right balance, make the book worth reading. Finding that balance is, however, the tricky thing, and it is sometimes difficult to know how far it is sensible to go in the pursuit either of contextual or chronological detail. Sometimes, however, it is impossible to resist the allure of curiosity. This was the case, recently, when I found myself trying to make sense of a short but crucial phase of Macintosh’s convoluted journey to India.

Detail from “Vue du Cap de Bonne-esperance de l’Ouest”, by Jean Herman Schneider (1770). © Harvard Map Collection, Harvard University.

In January 1779, whilst he was a prisoner of war aboard a French ship in waters to the south west of the Cape of Good Hope, Macintosh managed to transfer to a Danish vessel, that took him on to Cape Town. The neutrality of the Danish ship, and the fact that Macintosh was a prisoner of war, should have made such a transfer impossible and, indeed, the apparent sensitivity of the event is reflected in the way it is described in Macintosh’s book, Travels. Nowhere in Travels is the Danish ship named; the reader is told only that it was a snow, that its supercargo and co-proprietor was a “Mr. B—d”, that it had reached Cape Town by 22 January 1779, and that the supercargo and captain were British, possibly Scottish.

In the hope that I might be able to identify the vessel somehow, I performed various internet searches that led me to a paper in the Scandinavian Economic History Review that listed Danish Asiatic Company voyages to and from India and China for the period 1772–1792. The paper included a table with the dates of departure and return of various vessels from and to Copenhagen, together with details of where they had stopped en route. Based on its return date, and the fact it had stopped at the Cape of Good Hope, the Rigernes Ønske looked like a good bet.

Table showing the departure and return dates of various Danish Asiatic Company vessels.

A second table in the paper provided a more detailed breakdown of the various phases of each ship’s journey. Using those data, it was possible to determine that the Rigernes Ønske had arrived at the Cape (during its return journey) 395 days after leaving Copenhagen on 21 December 1779, putting its arrival there at 20 January 1779.

Table showing the duration of the various phases of each ship’s journey.

Despite a two-day discrepancy between the date of Macintosh’s arrival at the Cape and that of the Rigernes Ønske, I was fairly confident that this might be the right vessel, knowing that there remains some uncertainty over the precision of the dates recorded in Travels. Further internet searching led me to the logbook of the Rigernes Ønske, which is among a vast collection of digitised materials held by the Rigsarkivet—the Danish National Archives.

Although I was able to access the relevant sections of the logbook, I really needed someone able to read eighteenth-century Danish to help me make sense of what I was looking at. I posted a call for assistance on Twitter and was utterly floored by the number of suggestions and offers of assistance I received, one of which came from a scholar based in Norway, Thomas Gerhardsen Moine, who specialises in foreign warships and privateers in Norway in the period between 1793 and 1815.

Thomas was very quickly able to confirm that there was no mention of Macintosh in the Rigernes Ønske‘s logbook, but that the ship had sighted another Danish vessel at the Cape—a merchant snow that it identified as the Fransiskus, owned by a merchant named “Bøyte”. As this was the only Danish vessel the Rigernes Ønske saw at the Cape, this seemed to be a good contender for the ship that had taken Macintosh there and I was inclined to leave things there, having sufficient evidence for an adequate contextual footnote. Like me, however, Thomas was overtaken by curiosity and, by reading further back into the logbook, was able to gain more information about the Fransiskus. He was eventually able to discover that the supercargo was, in fact, a Scottish free merchant, David Boyd (the “Mr. B—d” from Travels) operating from the Danish fortified settlement at Tranquebar. Having identified Boyd, it was then possible, using digitised Danish Asiatic Company records and the registers from the Zion Church in Tranquebar, to learn all sorts of fascinating things about his life, family, and trading activities, and the ship (ordinarily the Francis or Franciscus, not Fransiskus) that Macintosh had joined in January 1779.

Thomas’s discoveries in the archives of the Danish Asiatic Company have allowed me to add empirical rigour to my discussion of Macintosh’s brief journey on the Francis, but their value lies more particularly in their contribution to the horizontal axis of my book. The story of Macintosh’s transfer at sea is an interesting one because it put international treaty in tension with maritime custom. In the end, Macintosh’s status as a fellow Scot is what most likely persuaded Boyd to allow him to join the ship. Although they spent only five or so days in each other’s company, Boyd made a significant impression on Macintosh. He found Boyd to be “very sensible and liberal” but also, undoubtedly, looked on him with a degree of envy. Boyd embodied what Macintosh strived to achieve—success as a private merchant in the India trade. That Boyd appeared to have done so without sacrificing his family life (his wife, Maria, and daughters, Matilda and Veronica, were with him on the Francis) would have given Macintosh pause. Macintosh, for his part, had sacrificed his relationship with his wife, Ann, and had not seen his children for more than two years.

As I look ahead to another year in the company of Macintosh, tacking back and forth between the horizontal and the vertical, it is with the usual combination of excitement and apprehension—curiosity over finding out what happens next is mixed with the fear that the story, in all its infinite complexity, will overwhelm my ability to tell it. Onwards, onwards!

Messy methodologies

The element of historical inquiry that always fascinates me the most is the one that tends to be glossed over—sometimes out of embarrassment—in published work and presentations: the actual, messy, and occasionally haphazard doing of research. As Keith Thomas noted in a brilliant essay published a dozen years ago in the London Review of Books, our collective reluctance to share the details of our working methods comes, in part, because to do so is to “dispel the impression of fluent, confident omniscience.”

My own working method is one that owes as much to happy coincidence as it does to the rigorous application of a systematic and all-encompassing approach, or at least it sometimes feels like that. Flitting between different sources—manuscripts, texts, and digital representations—and between different ways of working—slow and careful reading, and repeated, rapid-fire googling—often leaves me reeling, as my desk fills with books and papers and scribbled notes and my browser buckles under the weight of dozens of open tabs. It is an approach that, at least most of the time, seems to work and is quite well suited for researching an individual whose historical traces are more often than not fragmentary and dispersed. In what follows, I describe the approach I took today to contextualising a single document from Macintosh’s archive.

David Anstruther to William Macintosh, 12 May 1778. Archives départementales de Vaucluse, 2 E Titres de famille 85.

The item in question is a letter sent to Macintosh on 12 May 1778 from David Anstruther, who was then en route to India to take up a military role in Bengal. Anstruther was hoping to buy some items—including “4 Boxes of Fruits in Brandy”—that Macintosh had with him aboard the French merchant vessel, Brisson, on which he was travelling. The reason this letter interested me is that it bore the same date as a letter Macintosh supposedly sent to the prime minister, Lord North.

Macintosh’s letter to Lord North, dated “At Sea, 12th May 1778; by the way of St. Helena”.

I wondered whether the coincidence of dates was meaningful. Elsewhere, Travels tells us that Macintosh’s letter to North was dispatched under separate cover to his friend in London, John Townson, and sent via another ship, the Queen, which was bound for St. Helena.

Macintosh’s letter to John Townson, sent aboard the Queen to St Helena.

Curious to know whether or not I could find any information about the Queen (which might help me by providing independent confirmation of the chronology of the letters that make up Macintosh’s book), I resorted to a speculative search of Google Books to see if anything obvious came up.

The ever-indispensable Google Books.

A simple search for “queen 1778 st helena” immediately brought up two relevant sources, the second of which proved to be particularly significant because it contained an extract from a letter written by the captain of the Queen, Peter Douglas, to East India House in London recording his meeting with Macintosh’s ship, the Brisson.

An extract from a letter from the captain of the Queen as it appeared in Appendix to the Sixth Report from the Committee of Secrecy, Appointed to Enquire into the Causes of the War in the Carnatic, and of the Condition of the British Possessions in those Parts (1782).

The extract of Douglas’s letter is interesting because it mentions the exchange of intelligence between the two ships concerning the supposed threat of two American privateers headed for the Mozambique Channel. The letter also mentions the Nassau, from where David Anstruther had sent his letter, and alongside which the Queen had been sailing. Here, I had found the connection! Keen to see if I could find more, however, I did a follow-up Google search on “‘peter douglas’ queen 1778”.

A simple Google search of key terms likely to be relevant.

The sixth search result pointed me towards a (digitised) manuscript of Douglas’s letter (or at least a contemporary manuscript extract of it), from the India Office Records and hosted now by the Qatar Digital Library.

The Qatar Digital Library version of IOR/R/15/1/4, ff 19-20, containing a contemporary extract of Douglas’s letter recording his meeting with the Brisson.

In a relatively short period of time, I had found information and connections that at the beginning of my working day I had no idea existed. Now I knew that the Nassau and the Queen had travelled in convoy, that both ships had had dealings with the Brisson in the waters south of St Helena, that the Brisson (almost certainly in the form of Macintosh) had passed sensitive information to the Queen‘s captain, and that that warning had made its way to London before being sent on by East India House to Company representatives in Basra in modern-day Iraq. Such research trails, followed between the offline and online worlds, retain the capacity for surprise which, in sustaining the momentum of a long-term project like this, is a valuable commodity.

Lives in Revolution

“View of the Town & Harbour of Ostend” (31 January 1804).

Although I have never found myself getting emotionally attached to my main research subjects—referring to them by their surname (Speirs Bruce, Semple, Macintosh) seems to create the necessary distance—I have found myself endless fascinated by Macintosh’s family: his wife, Anna (known as Ann); his daughters Elizabeth (known as Betsey) and Mary (known as Polly); and his son, William. These were people Macintosh variously loved, argued with, became distanced from, and was reunited with, and they are there, in various ways, throughout the book I’m writing.

William disappears from the archive after 1779 and I have no idea what became of him. Betsey, once the apple of her father’s eye, largely disappears after 1781, returning briefly years later as a married woman in her mother’s will, but evidently estranged from Macintosh. Polly is the only one I have been able to follow through to her eventual death. In many ways, Polly was a remarkable woman—ambitious, self assured, and resilient. Born in Grenada, she started school in London just shy of her third birthday. Later, under her own initiative, she enrolled herself into a convent school in Belgium and converted to Catholicism. She married a minor French noble, became an émigré during the French Revolution, raised four children, was deserted by her husband, and eventually died in Paris in her mid eighties.

At the end of Macintosh’s life, Polly was almost the only family he had left: Ann (from whom he was long since separated) had predeceased him, as had his brother, George. Betsey and William, if they were still alive, were no longer part of Macintosh’s life. Polly and her four daughters were, therefore, the people to whom Macintosh left what little he had at the time of his death.

Much of Polly’s adult life was overshadowed by the uncertainties of the French Revolution. She and her husband were already émigrés by the time of the marriage in 1791. Their wedding took place at the English church in Ostend in September. By the time their first daughter was born the following year, in July 1792, they were living in Broomfield in Essex. A second daughter followed in January 1795, when the family were living in Bury St Edmunds. By the time the couple’s third daughter was born in July 1798, they were back on the Continent, living in The Hague. They eventually returned to France in 1802, taking advantage of Napoleon’s amnesty for émigrés.

Somewhat unusually (at least as far as I have been able to tell), Polly and her husband remarried in a civil ceremony in Caen in January 1803, keen to ensure that their daughters had a clear legal right to inheritance. A fourth daughter followed in the wake of the marriage, but the relationship was not to last. Around 1810, Polly’s husband had—as Macintosh would later note in a codicil to his will—”abandoned his wife and family and Country in a manner highly disreputable and offensive without having had the least provocation”.

Polly persevered, and life became easier after 1825 when she and her daughters began to receive compensation from the French state for property seized during the Revolution. When Polly died in 1853, and was interred at the Cimetière Notre-Dame in Versailles, her life would have been celebrated by her surviving children and grandchildren, one of whom, George-Fernand Dunot de Saint-Maclou, when on to achieve fame as the founder of the Bureau des Constatations Médicales at Lourdes—a medical body established to investigate the curative powers of the shrine.

September in review

After an embarrassingly long time—a little more than 320 days—I have finished writing the first draft of another chapter. Although this is the shortest yet at 23,000 words, it has been the most challenging to write. It has also been the chapter that has felt most like detective work, as the nature of the supporting archival material has shifted to become more ephemeral—bills of sale, receipts, scribbled notes on scraps of paper—and less epistolary. The chapter has also, and more positively, been an education as I have engaged with a whole new set of secondary literatures in coming to grips with the complex and overlapping histories of the British and French presence in India.

The chapter follows Macintosh from his return from Dominica in the spring of 1776 to his eventual departure from France in January 1778 bound for India. This was an almost preposterously busy and complex period of Macintosh’s life, marking the end of his marriage, the development of his so-called “Eastern scheme”, his attempts to intervene in the American Revolution by proposing peace terms to Franklin in Paris, and his eventual identification as a presumed spy for the British against the French and Americans. In much the same way that this period marked a radical departure for Macintosh as he moved his focus, and his physical presence, from the West Indies to the East Indies, the wider intellectual framework of the book has had to pivot in the same way. From this point forward, the cast of characters, as well as the geographical and political contexts, are significantly different and it has been quite a steep learning curve to get a handle on the key secondary literature.

Lorient, from where Macintosh departed to India in 1778.
From Nouvelles vues perspectives des ports de France (1776). Bibliothèque nationale de France.

The momentary satisfaction at having completed another chapter is tempered, somewhat, by my back-of-envelope estimates of how much more there is still to do and quite how long this is all going to take. As I currently envisage the book, there are three more empirical chapters to come: one focusing on Macintosh’s experiences in India; one on the authorship, publication, reception, and translation of Travels (and other pamphlets he wrote); and one encompassing his experiences in France before and during the revolution, his period as a counterrevolutionary spy in Switzerland, and his eventual exile and death in Saxony. All that, plus an introduction and conclusion, of course.

I am fortunate to have a period of sabbatical leave between now and Christmas and hope to use it to complete as much of the next chapter as I can. The resumption of normal duties in January will inevitably mean progress slows again, and I think it is certain that I will miss my original submission deadline of September 2023. A related problem, that I don’t think I can solve now, is that the first draft of the book is likely to be significantly over my contracted word length. Although there will inevitably be significant savings to be made as I revise the book from its first to second drafts, this is a bigger problem that I am going to have to devolve to a future version of myself to deal with.

For now, my next task is a completely different one: to write a chapter on Ellen Churchill Semple for an edited collection. I haven’t worked on Semple for about 15 years, but am hoping a change of focus will be helpful and allow me to return to Macintosh later in October with a fresher perspective. We shall see…


For much of the summer I have been focused on, and writing about, Macintosh’s pivot from the West Indies in 1776 to the East Indies in 1778. The precise circumstances that led Macintosh to pursue his “Eastern scheme”—indeed, what that Eastern scheme actually was—have been a longstanding puzzle, but they have come gradually into view in the last few weeks and I have been able to enjoy the all-too-fleeting sensation of having cracked a stubborn code.

The chapter I am currently writing—the book’s fifth—will conclude at the point of Macintosh’s departure from Lorient, in France, en route to India in January 1778. Before getting to that point, however, I need to address Macintosh’s intelligence-gathering activities in France during the winter of 1777–78. Although it would be wrong to classify Macintosh as a spy during this period, since he was not formally employed in that capacity, his activities were very definitely considered to be spying by the French authorities and by the American congressional representatives living in Paris.

“LE PORT DE L’ORIENT, Vu du Quai de la Machine à mâter” (1776).

Macintosh was almost comically unsubtle in his efforts to gather political and military intelligence in France, and seems to have raised suspicions wherever he went. His lack of clandestine subtlety—and his unfamiliarity with what might be called spycraft—is an almost endearing quality in retrospect, but it had very real and very immediate consequences for him. The captain of the French ship that was due to carry Macintosh as far as Pondicherry, in India, was given a set of secret instructions by the authorities in Paris concerning Macintosh’s spying—instructions that eventually led to him being imprisoned at Isle de France (what is now Mauritius). This traumatic episode significantly delayed Macintosh’s arrival in India; all told, it took him almost 18 months to complete the journey, and he arrived in India jaded and dispirited.

The circumstances of his journey to India become significant (largely on account of who he met and the order in which he met them) for understanding how and why he performed a political volte-face on his arrival, from being a presumed supporter of Warren Hastings to a close ally of Hastings’ principal opponent, Philip Francis. It is to this story that the book turns in Chapter 6—a task that will consume my autumn.

I am in the extremely fortunate position to be on sabbatical during Term 1 of 2022/23, and hope to make as much headway as I can with this phase of the book. I know several institutions in the UK that have either decreased the frequency of research sabbaticals or eliminated them altogether, and it is difficult to imagine how it is possible to pursue large-scale research projects without the time and space offered by them (especially in the absence of external funding).

Hope & Co. and the legacies of slavery

In April, a team of researches at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam published a fascinating report for the Dutch bank ABN AMRO on its historical links, by way of predecessor institutions, to slavery. The report—The slavery history of historical predecessors of ABN AMRO: An investigation into Hope & Co. and R. Mees & Zoonen—caused something of a stir on its publication, prompting media coverage and an apology from ABN AMRO.

The report from the International Institute of Social History.

The report addresses a significant gap in the literature. While it was well known that ABN AMRO’s predecessors—particularly Hope & Co.—were significantly invested in Caribbean slavery through the provision of plantation loans, among other activities, existing literature, like Marten Buist’s 1974 company history At spes non fracta, was insufficiently critical and failed to address properly the firm’s role in bankrolling the slave economy in the Caribbean.

The new report resolves this significant omission by placing these links at the centre of its focus. As a consequence of this attention, the report brings to the fore Macintosh’s 1770 plantation loan. From a narrative and explanatory perspective, the 1770 loan is something of a turning point in my study of Macintosh—it laid the foundation to his (doomed) partnership with William Pulteney, it cemented his friendship with Alexander Fordyce, and it became a complex financial burden which cast a long shadow over the next 15 or so years of Macintosh’s life.

My existing research on the loan drew from Macintosh’s own papers as well as notarial records in Amsterdam, but—due to the pandemic—I hadn’t been able to explore the issue from the side of Hope & Co. directly. The new report is, therefore, extremely helpful in allowing me to check the validity of what I have already written and to identify additional material in the Hope & Co. papers that might prove helpful by way of further context. Two of the reports researchers—Gerhard de Kok and Patrick van der Geest—have been kind enough to respond helpfully to my inquiries and with their help I should be able to cover all the archival bases of the 1770 loan.

Last summer Patrick also completed a master’s thesis examining the links between Hope & Co. and the 1772 financial crisis (“The banker’s banker: Hope & Co. and the credit crisis of 1772-1773“). Patrick has argued that rather than look solely to Alexander Fordyce to explain the crisis, we would be well placed to consider the economic consequences of Caribbean plantation loans, particularly those—like Macintosh’s—issued by Hope & Co. By coincidence, I was also contacted this week by another Dutch researcher—the historical geographer Taco Tichelaar—who is working on the 1772 crisis.

Last year I felt like I was ploughing something of a lonely (albeit important) furrow in writing about Macintosh’s loan, but this new report, alongside Patrick’s thesis, helps to provide a wider context in which to situate Macintosh and his significance.

Would the real Mr Macintosh please stand up?

The end of the exam term has allowed me to return, somewhat dazed and confused, to the book manuscript. Although I had tried my best to keep the research going during term time, it has been several months since I did any real writing and restarting the task has proved to be quite slow going. Inadvertently I had left the manuscript, just before Christmas, at a difficult-to-resolve juncture: the point in 1777 where Macintosh made the decision to embark on his “Eastern scheme” and to lay the groundwork for his journey to India. I didn’t know then, and am still now trying to understand, what the “Eastern scheme” actually involved (whether in Macintosh’s imagination or in reality) and until I can get that question resolved to my satisfaction, it is difficult to move the narrative forward.

I made progress of a sort this week in eliminating some of the possible explanations for the “Eastern scheme” and, in the process, cleared up some misidentifications of Macintosh that have appeared in the secondary literature. I have written before about the way Macintosh has been misrepresented or misunderstood as a consequence of confusion over or conflation with others who shared the same or a similar name. Such a situation occurred in relation to a “Mr Macintosh” (or “Mackintosh”) who, in late 1776, sailed for India in the Rippon with a series of letters for Warren Hastings from his agent in Britain, Lauchlin Macleane. I knew from evidence in Macintosh’s archive that he didn’t leave Europe for India until 1778, but I was not sure exactly how the two men had come to be conflated.

An early conflation of William Macintosh with “Mr Macintosh” of the Rippon, from H. Beveridge’s The Trial of Maharaja Nanda Kumar, A Narrative of Judicial Murder (1886).

Perhaps the first conflation of Macintosh with “Mr Mackintosh” of the Rippon occurred in Henry Beveridge’s The Trial of Maharaja Nanda Kumar (1886), where he records that Macleane’s letters were taken out to Hastings “by Macintosh”. Although Beveridge identifies this Macintosh as the author of Travels, he acknowledges the fact that—according to Travels—its author “did not arrive in India till 1779”. “I still think,” he went on “that the Macintosh referred to by Hastings must be W. M., for [Joseph] Price calls the latter an intimate friend and fellow-labourer of Colonel Macleane”. In this respect, the confusion is perfectly understandable: what are the odds that Macleane would be working closely with two Macintoshes, both of whom travelled to India around about the same time?

Years later, and apparently independently, Lauchlin Maclean’s biographer—James N. M. Maclean—made the same error in conflation, noting that Macintosh had been “sent out to India as his [Macleane’s] special messenger to Hastings in November, 1776”. In this case, Macleane’s biographer had at least consulted the original correspondence, in which he would have seen Macleane’s note to Hastings concerning the bearer of his letters: “Mr. Macintosh promises all diligence and Dispatch with zeal & fidelity. He is recommended to your Protection” (13 November 1776; BL Add Ms 29317, f. 461r).

So, who was the Macintosh who sailed with the Rippon in November 1776? The best clue we have comes in a letter sent to Hastings from John Macpherson. In that letter (30 August 1778, BL Add MS 29141, f. 342v), Macpherson explained to Hastings that it had been him who had introduced “Mr. Mackintosh” to Macleane, “in order to place him in the line of a better fortune, than had attended the early part of his life”. As Macpherson explained, “In the success of that poor fellow, I am much interested”. It is possible that this was the same Mackintosh whom Laurence Sulivan had recommended to Hastings in 1773, when he wrote of a “Mr. William Mackintosh, who was in Bengal, & other parts of India, some Years, in the Shipping way; and now returns to follow the same Employ” (27 January 1773; BL Add MS 29133, f. 345r).

As the number of William Macintoshes continues to mount in my research, I can’t help but think that an interesting book could be written on their simultaneous, but different, experiences of the eighteenth-century world. What would it look like to write a history of that period from a prosopographical perspective, tracing the converging and diverging lives of those who shared a name? I shan’t allow my self to get distracted; one Macintosh is more than enough to keep me going!

By (yet further) coincidence, the Rippon was commanded on its eventual return voyage to Britain in 1780 by Captain John Blankett, to whom Macintosh would go on to send a dedicated copy of Travels upon its publication.

Inscription to Captain Blanket.t
Inscription to Captain Blankett.